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May 18 2019

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Reposted fromoll oll viawiecejniezobaczysz wiecejniezobaczysz
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Reposted frombenus benus viawiecejniezobaczysz wiecejniezobaczysz
Reposted fromtoft toft viapsychedelix psychedelix
2000 years Islam in Europe: Serious discussion on TV
“I can name them,” I said, ticking off a few names of prominent Washington reporters and columnists who often tweet in sync with White House messaging. Price laughed. “I’ll say, ‘Hey, look, some people are spinning this narrative that this is a sign of American weakness,’ ” he continued, “but — ” “In fact it’s a sign of strength!” I said, chuckling. “And I’ll give them some color,” Price continued, “and the next thing I know, lots of these guys are in the dot-com publishing space, and have huge Twitter followings, and they’ll be putting this message out on their own.” This is something different from old-fashioned spin, which tended to be an art best practiced in person. In a world where experienced reporters competed for scoops and where carrying water for the White House was a cause for shame, no matter which party was in power, it was much harder to sustain a “narrative” over any serious period of time. Now the most effectively weaponized 140-character idea or quote will almost always carry the day, and it is very difficult for even good reporters to necessarily know where the spin is coming from or why. When I later visited Obama’s former campaign mastermind David Axelrod in Chicago, I brought up the soft Orwellian vibe of an information space where old media structures and hierarchies have been erased by Silicon Valley billionaires who convinced the suckers that information was “free” and everyone with access to Google was now a reporter. Axelrod, a former newspaperman, sighed. “It’s not as easy as standing in front of a press conference and speaking to 70 million people like past presidents have been able to do,” he said. The bully pulpit by and large doesn’t exist anymore, he explained. “So more and more, over the last couple of years, there’s been an investment in alternative means of communication: using digital more effectively, going to nontraditional sources, understanding where on each issue your constituencies are going to be found,” he said. “I think they’ve approached these major foreign-policy challenges as campaign challenges, and they’ve run campaigns, and those campaigns have been very sophisticated.” Rhodes’s innovative campaign to sell the Iran deal is likely to be a model for how future administrations explain foreign policy to Congress and the public. The way in which most Americans have heard the story of the Iran deal presented — that the Obama administration began seriously engaging with Iranian officials in 2013 in order to take advantage of a new political reality in Iran, which came about because of elections that brought moderates to power in that country — was largely manufactured for the purpose for selling the deal. Even where the particulars of that story are true, the implications that readers and viewers are encouraged to take away from those particulars are often misleading or false. Obama’s closest advisers always understood him to be eager to do a deal with Iran as far back as 2012, and even since the beginning of his presidency. “It’s the center of the arc,” Rhodes explained to me two days after the deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, was implemented. He then checked off the ways in which the administration’s foreign-policy aims and priorities converged on Iran. “We don’t have to kind of be in cycles of conflict if we can find other ways to resolve these issues,” he said. “We can do things that challenge the conventional thinking that, you know, ‘AIPAC doesn’t like this,’ or ‘the Israeli government doesn’t like this,’ or ‘the gulf countries don’t like it.’ It’s the possibility of improved relations with adversaries. It’s nonproliferation. So all these threads that the president’s been spinning — and I mean that not in the press sense — for almost a decade, they kind of all converged around Iran.”
Dude, you don't know where the propaganda hides. Normal people would think their reporters have a wide and diverse net of experiencing things about which they tell us later. 


I even think the number will be much higher, because the farms repel some birds in the first place and permanently.  Birds use very new tracks and streets as landmarks on their yearly migrations, they'll probably adapt to wind farms. Not so with being sucked into something on a harvest, you can't "evade" sleeping. 

But the silent nagging feeling remains if that problem is being overblown like in wind power. 
This is what you get for hypocrisy 

May 17 2019

Jest tylko jedno lekarstwo na duże kłopoty - małe radości
— Karl Heinrich Waggerl
Reposted fromyannim yannim viasaphirka saphirka
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burn this quote.... into your brain
Reposted byElbenfreunddakoDevakaesekuchendarksideofthemoondonaudampfschifffahrtsgesellschaftmolotovcupcakeponurykosiarzaundsyogrtdewdropbiauektonietakgenieUncommonSensepressanybetonbennieMissDeWordeniemniejgafjanuschytrussm0k1nggnuvanitePaseroViruskuroinekochrisambassadorofdumbzupacebulowainzynierzerocool911kivlovikariskillzmcflybvdyellowsoupmarineTamahlpiotroskidenianpomoorghalbadiousvongoogenp856fiffeyinteressiert-mich-netjarlaxleSantheyogrtganzrockbarsl420jeschgeMrCoffeteluLogHiMa
8919 e64d 500
Auf die Verpackung kommt es an
Reposted bysiostrahekatetonietak
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tragedy in four acts acts hehehe
Reposted bysiostrahashtonietaktriadwarrior
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Volvo: Erwischt!
Reposted bywhovilletonietakmk3slova
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blink motherfucker
Reposted byCrossroademon Crossroademon
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Ich auch, indeed!
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We wrote our site in Linear A rather than Aksara Kawi because browser testing showed that Crete script rendered faster than Java script.

May 16 2019

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Reposted fromdead-zireael dead-zireael viavertheer vertheer
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Reposted fromcurlydarcey curlydarcey viavertheer vertheer
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